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Nigeria's Insecurity Crisis Demands a Mindset Overhaul — Dr. Bone

Dr. Bone Chinye is a prominent figure in the field of civil security. He also serves as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Strict Guards ...

Nigeria's Insecurity Crisis Demands a Mindset Overhaul — Dr. Bone

Dr. Bone Chinye is a prominent figure in the field of civil security. He also serves as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Strict Guards Security Limited. He has expressed worries about the disorganized nature of Nigeria's border operations, highlighting the significant difference compared to the effectiveness observed in technologically advanced nations. In this interview withTITILOPE JOSEPH, Dr. Bone pointed out that the lack of digital systems, the continued existence of redundant checkpoints, and the inadequate conditions for security staff have led to opportunities for corruption.

How much progress have we made in the battle against insecurity; have we achieved the right approach?

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We have not yet mastered the battle against insecurity. Before facing the individuals we designate as adversaries, we must first pose some fundamental questions: Who are we truly opposing? What empowers their resilience? And what keeps the conflict alive?

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The authorities claim we are facing Boko Haram and bandits, yet both factions employ identical methods. Killing, abducting, seizing land, and forcing people from their homes are acts of terrorism. Referring to them as bandits rather than terrorists undermines the response and restricts international backing. If the government has nothing to conceal, it should label all armed groups as terrorists and grant the military the authority to respond appropriately.

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The crisis persists as some individuals gain advantages from it. Politics, ethnic loyalties, and religious exploitation are significant factors. In election periods, unrest enables certain politicians to boost their support in volatile regions. Once elections are over, these same individuals, who were armed, turn into criminals, continuing to possess the weapons provided for political purposes.

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Illegal mining has also emerged as a significant source of funding for armed groups, particularly in Zamfara. International networks utilize secret airstrips to transport minerals and import weapons. Even former officials have acknowledged that influential individuals, including retired security personnel, benefit from these unlawful activities. So long as the financial flow persists, the violence will remain ongoing.

We observed a comparable situation during the Niger Delta insurgency. When the military disrupted the financial support for the militants, the conflict decreased considerably. Nowadays, though, numerous criminal groups in the north are protected by political and economic interests, which complicates tackling the underlying problems.

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Our security system also requires significant changes. The armed forces are overly hierarchical, with an excessive number of high-ranking officers and insufficient troops in the field. A substantial portion of the budget is allocated to wages rather than equipment, which hampers the effectiveness of those serving on the front lines.

Border control also faces issues due to the incorrect approach. Rather than utilizing digital systems and intelligence, we continue with endless roadblocks that yield no results. At the same time, smugglers move freely through remote trails. Corruption and insufficient training make things worse.

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We need to address the welfare issue as well. Several officers receive low wages and have little incentive. It's challenging to demand honesty from those who earn significantly less than their counterparts in other fields. In fact, even some retired officers struggle to afford proper housing after decades of service.

Nigeria must eliminate the factors fueling instability, enhance its security framework, cut off the financial support for violence, and shift the perspectives within its organizations. As long as these matters are not resolved, insecurity will persist, not due to insufficient personnel, but because the systems and mindsets that maintain it stay untouched.

You mentioned that the establishment of state police is not remarkable. Could you explain further?

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Yes. The establishment of state police is not a significant or novel development. It will continue to be under the oversight of a national authority. They will have their own police chief, but their activities will be restricted and subject to external control, likely from the National Assembly or another national organization created for this purpose.

The core issue with Nigeria's security lies in the lack of strength within its institutions. The Nigerian Police Force, as an organization, is not robust. If it were strong, even if politicians issue illegal commands, a police officer could politely salute and respond, "Apologies, sir, that falls beyond my responsibilities," without facing any repercussions.

However, today, due to weak institutions, a governor can manage a police commissioner as if they were a personal assistant. The governor provides funding for the task force, issues directives, and if someone refuses to comply, he instructs the CP to "dismiss him" or "lower his rank." A police officer's allegiance must be to the constitution, not to individuals.

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What we need to begin addressing is the way to enhance our institutions. After that is accomplished, those individuals holding these positions will operate within the boundaries of the law.

Here's a brief example. I manage a private security firm. Each morning, regardless of our locations — Sokoto, Zamfara, Abuja, Port Harcourt — I get updates along with pictures of all the guards. Recently, I observed that most of my guards outside Lagos are not wearing their identification badges.

Currently, in my company, there is a strict rule: when you are in uniform, you must show your ID. If I discover that you are not wearing it, I will terminate your employment. Some may argue, "Wearing an ID card isn't a significant issue," but according to the company's regulations, it constitutes a violation.

This is how the Nigerian police force should function, by upholding the law as written, rather than based on individual biases or anxieties. Regrettably, many commissioners today are too intimidated by governors or too tempted to comply with their demands.

Even at lower ranks, area commanders and task force leaders—many of them are appointed or supported by politicians. How do you expect these officers to act autonomously?

In a perfect scenario, the government should formally ask the Inspector General for officers, rather than selecting loyalists personally.

Therefore, when discussing the creation of state police, it needs to be based on a solid institutional foundation. The legislation establishing it should clearly outline its structure and authority, and this law must be enacted by the National Assembly, not by any individual state assembly.

Prior to the establishment of state police forces, the federal government needs to give its approval, followed by the National Assembly enacting a law that outlines their operations; this includes consequences for misuse.

However, my worry is that we lack a National Assembly capable of establishing such an institution. That is what I fear.

However, I think Nigerians need to become politically aware. Ignore who becomes president or governor — concentrate on choosing responsible and rational lawmakers. If we had 37 individuals similar to Senator Sowore, one from every state, do you think the president could act without consequences?

Regrettably, the majority of our lawmakers are influenced. Several of them are ex-governors carrying a history of misconduct, so whenever they speak up, the EFCC is summoned against them. They soon fall silent. This is why nothing changes.

Let's discuss the role of technology in crime prevention. With the emergence of digital tools such as CCTV cameras and drones, how is Nigeria performing in comparison to other countries?

Digital technologies and advanced machinery represent the future, but Nigeria has not made significant progress in this area.

Advanced nations employ armed drones that minimize dangers for their personnel. We have not attained this stage, not due to a lack of individuals capable of operating them, but because the federal government has not allocated resources towards the required technology.

Some of our young officers are trained to operate locally manufactured drones, but this is insufficient. The main issue is that Nigeria lacks the capability to manage our challenging terrains, particularly in the North.

We face another hidden issue, which is religious prejudice. Our senior leaders are predominantly Muslim, causing them to naturally side with Islamic countries. This restricts our ability to obtain advanced military technology.

For example, Nigeria struggles to engage with Israel, despite the fact that Israel has dealt with and overcome similar security issues that we are currently facing. If there's a nation Nigeria should be taking lessons from, it's Israel. However, our foreign policy and religious politics have complicated this relationship.

In your experience and observations, what is specifically wrong with how our security system functions, especially at the borders?

If you travel to a foreign country, such as the United States or Canada, you'll witness how internal security functions. They typically ask you a few questions; you scan your passport, and all information is digitized. There's little opportunity for corruption. If there's something you need to declare, they halt you and guide you to the main location for the declaration process.

But in Nigeria, it's different. You might hear, "Hey, stop! What are you carrying? Show your documents!" That's our process. If the Federal Government genuinely intends to act properly, all these unnecessary border checkposts should be removed.

Even a high-ranking officer, an AIG, once mentioned to me that the number of checkpoints should be significantly cut down, as they are unnecessary. Take the U.S. Canada border, for example. You'll notice police and FBI vehicles parked on either side, but no one is stopping you without reason. If there's something questionable, they simply ask you to pull over. No one yells at you to show documents.

This is why corruption flourishes here, and it also represents a misuse of personnel. I feel troubled by this because we continuously claim our borders are unguarded, yet the manned areas are overstaffed with officers who have nothing to do. Just one kilometre away from these locations, you'll find open bush paths.

For instance, take the Seme border, on your route to Cotonou, to the right where you can spot UBA and other buildings; the informal paths in that area exceed the official border. I have crossed that place multiple times. You can simply enter the bus station without anyone stopping you.

The unfortunate reality is that some of the so-called officials you encounter there are actual immigration officers, while others are impostors. They continuously bother travelers. One person will stop you, another becomes angry, and a third claims, "I'm from immigration." When you request proof of their identity, they continue to harass you. They encircle you and ask for money. None of them is willing to perform genuine duties.

However, I proceed with care as I recognize that a significant part of the problem lies in their inadequate living conditions. These individuals are not compensated sufficiently, and the income they receive is insufficient to support them or inspire genuine dedication. Picture a graduate who enters the force, only to find his salary is very low. Meanwhile, his friend who secured a position with a private company has already constructed a home.

Numerous officers, including some who retired with the rank of colonel, do not own homes now unless they were lucky enough to be stationed in areas that provided housing. It's quite sad.

Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc.Syndigate.info).
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